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Friday, June 19, 2015

Collective Empathy and Collective Prejudice: A case study of Protest Against Delhi Rape and Gharwapsi

The oriental and occidental philosophies, in the ancient age, were more concerned about the knowledge of self. The concept of dualism, monism and various other abstract notions of life-world showed various ways to attain the knowledge of self and the meaning of ‘existence’. Socrates says, “To know, is to know that you know nothing. That is the meaning of true knowledge”. He says that self-introspection is the most important thing and we should start with the dictum “I don’t know”. The theories in social sciences also talked about subjectivity of truth and reality. The initial view that the notion of consciousness and self cannot be deciphered. These views were contested in the field of neurology and cognitive sciences. The theory about outer world came in the epidemiological foundations of various disciplines. Various disciplines started talking about the role of emotions, feeling and so on for in societal context. The concept of social embeddedness of ‘self’ came into existence. The need for peace and stability in world order was seen as the pre-requisite for human life in the age of monstrous technologies and nuclear capable missile system. People started questioning the idea of infinite progress perpetuated by the ideas of modernity. There was a growing feeling that our technological developments might pave the way for the destruction of the world.

The world started recognizing the importance of peace in society after the devastating world wars in 20th century. After Second World War, the age of representative democracy started in most of the countries of world and use of empathy in international relations came. Johnathan Mercer (2014) and Neta Crawford talk about the use of emotion in international relations. Steven Pinker (2011) talks about the decline of violence in 20th century. He talks about the use of peace and empathy in conflict resolution. However, Mary Kaldor (2013) talks about the changes in the instruments of violence in modern nationalism. The use of weapon and militarism in the world is, now, different from older tactics of war. However, the world is moving towards more empathic and tolerant order. However, the discriminations on different physical, social and economic basis is still prevalent in social relationships. I am talking about two cases—first case is of massive protest in the capital city of Delhi against the 16th December rape of a young women where people showed collective empathy for the rape victim and second case is of collective prejudice where right wing Hindu outfits are converting Muslim populace in the name of Gharwapsi or reconversion. I have used the hermeneutical approach to understand these cases.

On the 16th December 2012, a student of Physiotherapy was raped in a moving bus. The girl was coming from a cinema hall after watching the film Life of Pie with one of her male friend[1]. Rape and sexual violence against women is a common problem in India but this tragic event mobilised people of different strata and different age groups in the capital city against the institutions of the society like state, bureaucracy and law. The outpouring of support for the rape victim showed the collective empathy of groups for a cause which is related to everyone in the society - The cause of security of women in India. In addition, this rape was executed in inhumane and brutal manner. The protests after this, which marked a new beginning in the governance for a more stringent punishment for rape and other sexual violence, were marked by a collective mobilisation of masses. My main concern is to show the collective empathy of people in this case to go for protest. However, there is also other side of the story that depicts the rapists as from economically and socially marginalized class and they were no psychopaths and brutalised man from the margins of the society[2]. So, I am also trying to show how the collective empathy was directed towards the rape victim.

The support for the girl in this case was coming from the students of different universities of Delhi and civil society groups[3]. These people were informed about the situation of women and rape cases in the capital of the country. Everyone shares the feeling of discrimination in India. Be it the discrimination based on caste, colour, religion, and ethnicity and so on. The surge in the role of media and social networking in contemporary India crates a situation where it becomes easier for people to know about crimes against women. The use of WhatsApp and Facebook for mobilising youths of various places in the country demonstrates the use and power of social media. People changed their WhatsApp and Facebook profile picture with black dots to show discontent against the machinery of state and to show empathy for rape victim[4].  The work of Daniel Kahneman (2011) on ‘availability heuristics’ talks about the role of media and popular platform in forming opinion (12). He talks about the role of information through the extent of media coverage and the capacity of people to recall. If some information is shown on popular platforms then people can recall it easily. In the case of Delhi Gang Rape, People were acquainted with the news of various rape cases in Delhi. It was easy for people to connect with the issue of rape in Delhi. Further, the use of animated re-enactment of different crimes in media provided people with visual representations. When this rape case happened in such a brutal manner, people lost all hopes in the legal system and called for change in the criminal procedure code. They demanded capital punishment for the perpetrators of the crime. In addition, the spread of information through continuous coverage of media worked as ‘emotional contagion’, in the country and especially in Delhi (Scheler 2008: 15). The number of protestors and sympathisers started increasing day by day.

The role of knowing about the ‘mental state’ of other is very necessary in the case of empathy. This idea of knowing mental states of other is a contested theme in philosophical and cognitive science disciplines. The phenomenological understanding of empathy, ranging from the work of Scheler to Husserl to Schutz, proposes three types of views (Battaly 2011). First view says that mental state can be shared if both have same kind of experience and in this case, they do not need to know ‘other’ e.g. emotional contagion in case of seeing funeral. Second view says that empathy requires both knowing and sharing meaning that the empathiser must cognitively ascribe to or assign some mental states to the target. Third view says that one does not require sharing the mental state of other rather any theoretical or inferential means through which he/she is able to know about the mental state of other. However, empathy is supposed to have distinct kind of social understanding rather than collapsing into emotional contagion or inferential readings (Zahavi 2014: 147). Therefore, first and third options does not make more sense. In addition, all the understanding of phenomenology is coming from the assumption of existence of Self, Consciousness and role of inter-subjectivity.

The notion of self and consciousness need more examination in the wake of neurological and philosophical literature. The consciousness is a subjective experience and it is like “what-it-is-to-be”(Nagel 1974).  He says
 There is a sense in which phenomenological facts are perfectly objective: one can know or say of another what the quality of the other’s experience is. They are subjective in the sense that even this objective ascription of experience is possible only for someone sufficiently similar to the object of ascription to be able to adopt his point of view---to understand the ascription in the first person as well as in the third, so to speak (Nagel 1974: 442).
The neurological works on ‘consciousness’ say that people often use the term consciousness to refer two terms ‘qualia’ and ‘self’.(Ramachandran 2010: 347). Qualia is the immediate experiential qualities of sensation such as redness of red and ‘self’ experiences these sensations (ibid: 347). Further, he proves his point through the example of colour-blind Martian scientists. Therefore, what Nagel (1974) was talking about the gap between subjective and objective can be filled through scientific research as the subjective experience leaves quale of objectivity in the brain. The insurmountable ‘epistemological barrier’ of philosophers can be breached (Ramachandran and Hirstein 1997:432). This helps us to understand why we feel sympathetic and emphatic about other people. In addition, it provides information about the autistic brain and neurological functions of other kind of disorder. The attack of ‘mirror neuron’ is one of the causes for this. The possible functions of mirror neuron systems are a) action understanding, b) imitation, c) language, d) empathy and theory of mind and d) self-representation.

The attack of mirror neurons is the cause for empathy. If there is no attack of mirror neurons then there will be no empathic response. However, if there is attack of mirror neurons then it does not mean that it will convert to empathic behavioural responses. Emile Bruneau, a post-doctoral scientist at Cognition and Brain Sciences Lab at MIT, found out that people have capacity to mute empathy signals and it prevents them to put in other’s shoes, especially in the case of enemy[5]. He also found out that suicide bombers are characterised by very high levels of empathy. He calls it ‘empathy gap’. Therefore, empathy can be directed towards someone but it can also be stopped towards someone having same situation.  So, the social programmes can be made more efficient by removing biases from the mind. In the case of Delhi Rape case, People supported the girl who was raped in the moving bus but they wanted capital punishments for the rapists who had poor background and had very less opportunity to attain success.

This bias came from the information that they got through various news reports and experiencing the situation of women in their neighbourhood. In an article of The Hindu, Rukmini S, investigated about the problems of rape in Delhi[6]. In 2013, 1636 rape cases were registered and 583 cases were decided by District Courts, the first level at which rape cases are tried in India.



The figure for the country in the year 2013 is 33,707[7] and it increased from the figure of the year 2012. These are registered cases of rape. A large number of cases of rape are not registered in this country. The causes for this are the influence of rapists among villagers and police, corruption, the culture of misogyny, patriarchy, the notion of shame and honour, tedious judicial pronouncements etc. The gender sensitization of people in some pockets of the country has made people more active in visualising it as a ‘national shame’.  In the state capital, civil society, women’s rights activists were also protesting against this state of affairs for a long time. 

The rape incident of 16th December provided them an opportunity to show their strength and concerns. The collective empathy was emerging from the portrayal of rape victim as “India’s Daughter” and concern of people for their own family members. The creation of the image of “ideal victim” in this case also helped in the mobilisation of emotions for protest movements. The notion of ideal victim means that the victim’s image is created in such a way that one do not have any other option than to sympathise (Christie 1986). As, Martin (1976) characterises the lead character in her work “Battered Wives” as the mother and it would be difficult for anyone not to show sympathy. It also shows that the victim of violence has no option but to live a life of oppressed. Indian media also showed the image of girl as the one who had no option in the incident. She was shown as India’s Daughter and given many pseudo names like Nirbhaya, Amanat, Damini etc. People were sharing the mental state of her through imagination because the interaction gap between people and the girl was filled through the emotional outpouring in media and placard of protesters.

The news channels and social media were filled with the information about the medical status of the girl and they were broadcasting every word she was telling to her family members. The doctor of the rape victim told that she is “psychologically composed and optimistic about the future”[8]. Therefore, the emphasis shifted from “viewing the women as passive victim of sexual violence to active survivors” (Kelly 1988: 163). It is an attempt to retain the agency of women rather than leaving it for stigmatising. It also transcend gendered stereotypes and constructs women as inspiring protagonists. “Survivor” is thus a political identity, which has a recruiting potential in case of mass movements (Taylor 2001).

The participation of women in the movement were also very high. These women were from different universities of Delhi, members of civil society groups, volunteers of different political parties etc. These women witness violence in the city in their everyday life. It was very easy for them to show empathy for the rape victim. In addition, women of other parts of the country supported the movement. The different kinds of violence against women like molestation, stalking etc. is common in Delhi. This protest was, for them, protest against all such crimes in the city. It was against the culture of misogyny.

The collective empathy generated in this case had many causes like the status of women in the country, pro-active role of media in disseminating information, distrust in police and legal systems etc. The emotional outbursts of the people mobilised them against the institutions of the state. Despite repression by the state, the motivation for protest did not die down. Indian government appointed Justice Verma Committee to recommend amendments in Criminal Procedure Code. However, this empathic behaviour among people does not show any effect on the data of crime against women. The emotional outbursts of people were mired in the patriarchal social system and prejudice towards women in the society. The prejudice of society towards women is rooted so deep that any protest or movements for women’s rights either became dormant or lost the goal of the movement. The collective prejudice of the groups of society towards other groups and the political economy of these stereotypes did not allow empathy to take root in the society. In the case of Delhi Protest, the empathy was temporary and social prejudice again took the central position in the society.

The collective prejudice in South Asian society is prevalent along the lines of caste, class, ethnicity, color etc. One of the most horrific experience of prejudice in the world is the experience of being untouchables. The violence in the society based on caste made them underprivileged and discriminated for centuries. The concept of ‘purity and pollution’ and various other Shastric and Dharmic conceptions were proposed to justify these practices. In this part of the subcontinent, Muslims are also seen as the ‘other’. However, other terms like stereotyping, categorisation etc. are used to define similar phenomenon. Categorisation creates “comparisons that triggers discrimination against these out-groups” (Tajfel in Mercer 2014: 522). The term prejudice has a classic definition by Allport (1954)
Prejudice is an antipathy based on a faulty and inflexible generalization. It may be felt or expressed. It may be directed toward a group as a whole or toward an individual because he is a group member (Allport in Fiske 2010: 342). 
An important part of the process of prejudice lies in correctly identifying the relevant category towards which antipathy is targeted. People may not be prejudiced against Muslims in general but they might be prejudiced against Muslims with long beard or against women who occupy social roles of men (Eagly and Dickman 2005). Taking the Alloport’s definition, we can say that prejudice may be directed towards some groups that are viewed as lacking on moral dimensions (Richeson and Bodenhausen 2010).  In addition, people might show favouritism towards their in-group members without necessarily feeling animosity towards other groups (Brewer 1999).  Yet ‘positive bias’ towards own group is like prejudice towards another group.  The organisations based on religion, caste and ethnicity specifically try to do so. The recent programme of Hindu Right wing in India, Gharwapsi, is also an example of collective prejudice in the country.

Recently, members of Hindu Right outfits like Vishwa Hindu Parishad, rashtriya SwayamSevak Sangh and so on started a programme of conversion of people of other religion and especially Muslims in the country[9]. The also says that there will be no conversion for Buddhists[10]. Therefore, they have brought Buddhism in their in-group; Islam, and Christian in the out-groups. They are trying to symbolise it as the re-conversion meaning they are trying to reinforce the past through communal lens. The prejudice in this case is coming from long drawn stereotypes in the country. Like, Muslims are filthy, they do not have sense of cleanliness, they eat beef etc. Therefore, a dialectic is created to show Hindus and Muslims in conflicting relationships. The discourse is created based on signs, symbols and everyday practices. These discourses are played through films, media and textbooks. These are producing unconscious prejudice in the minds of children and people.
This unconscious prejudice is related with automatic mental processes that occur simultaneously, rapidly, efficiently and inevitably (Moors and De Houwer 2006). However, automaticity is a matter of degree. Some authors says that prejudice and stereotyping occurs unconsciously (Banaji, Lemm, and Carpenter 2001). Cognitive psychologists like Underwood (1996) have established that unconscious mental processes can influence and determine behaviour. The work of Daniel Kahneman (2011) also says that our ‘system 1’ i.e. automatic system reacts rapidly and most of our decisions come from system 1. This is one of the reason for biases in our mind. However, the most intriguing question is how people are unaware of existence of biases and prejudices in their everyday existence (Nosek and Hansen 2008).  The neurological explanation of prejudices talks about the region of brain amygdala-which is responsive to potentially threatening and important socioeconomic stimuli—is involved in the automatic evaluation (Cunningham et al. 2004), whereas other regions like anterior cingulate and prefrontal cortex are involved in conflict monitoring and conflict resolution (Amodio et al. 2004). Therefore, neural mechanism is also supporting socio-psychological theories of prejudice and the automatic and unconscious reflection of prejudice in behaviour.

The association of discrimination and injustice with the concept of prejudice make it irrational in common understanding. However, a rational Bayesian approach to judgement requires to make use of base rate information (Richeson and Bodenhausean 2010). Therefore, if the stereotypes or prejudices are capturing actual social differences between the groups, it is perfectly fine to use it. But, if the differences are not actual then it will be irrational to use them in our decision making. It can be used in the case of differences between male and female as people have contact with different sexes in their whole life. So, one can form judgement or bias about them (Swim 1994).   But, this theory is problematic for my case where Hindus and Muslims remain in contact with each other but the information about each other in their mind is prejudiced to the extent that they are not able to ameliorate their social status.

The difference between socio-economic statuses between these communities also plays a big role in this. The whole movement of Gharwapsi or most of the other religious conversion is based on the factor of ‘inducement’[11]. They are promised to provide different benefits of government programmes and policies. The support for this is generated through development of fear among mass psyche. The fear is generated through the fact that they are producing more children and in 40-50 years, their population in the country will be more than Hindus. They also propagate that Hindu women should produce four children[12]. These propagandas are very influential in generating support from rural India and also in some pockets of Urban India. The whole logic of population explosion is related with neo-liberal economic theories. This economic theory talks about optimal population and population control is related with the depletion of resources in the country.

Therefore, empathy and prejudice play an important role in the society. An emphatic society will have less conflict and better human development but a society with prejudice and concept of ‘othering’ will generate conflict between groups. However, emotional outbursts and temporary empathy does not have potential to make change in the society rather empathy based on proper information of mental states of other will provides a situation where the flow of empathy will not obstructed by the identity of other individuals or group. Therefore, ‘empathy gap’ will not be produced in our behaviour. The neurological research can provide us the way ahead for the development of a better society and we should look for nudge to create more judicious and peaceful society.

References:-
Allport, Gordon W. "The Nature of Prejudice." Reading: Addison-Wesley (1954).

Amodio, David M, and Chris D Frith. "Meeting of minds: the medial frontal cortex and social cognition." Nature Reviews Neuroscience 7.4 (2006): 268-277.

Banaji, Mahzarin R, Kristi M Lemm, and Siri J Carpenter. "The social unconscious." Blackwell handbook of social psychology: Intraindividual processes (2001): 134-158.

Battaly, Heather D. "Is empathy a virtue." Empathy: philosophical and psychological perspectives. Oxford University Press, Oxford (2011): 277-301.

Bodenhausen, Galen V, and Jennifer A Richeson. "Prejudice, stereotyping, and discrimination." Advanced Social Psychology. Oxford University Press, Oxford-New York (2010): 341-384.

Bodenhausen, GV, AR Todd, and JA Richeson. "Controlling prejudice and stereotyping: Antecedents, mechanisms, and contexts." Handbook of prejudice, stereotyping, and discrimination (2009): 111-135.
Brewer, Marilynn B. "The psychology of prejudice: Ingroup love and outgroup hate?." Journal of social issues 55.3 (1999): 429-444.

Christie, Nils. "The ideal victim." From crime policy to victim policy. Basingstoke: Macmillan (1986): 17-30.

Cunningham, William A et al. "Separable neural components in the processing of black and white faces." Psychological Science 15.12 (2004): 806-813.

Eagly, Alice H, and Amanda B Diekman. "What is the problem? Prejudice as an attitude-in-context." On the nature of prejudice 50 (2005): 19-35.

Kahneman, Daniel. Thinking, fast and slow. Macmillan, 2011.

Kaldor, Mary. New and old wars: Organised violence in a global era. John Wiley & Sons, 2013.

Kelly, Liz. Surviving sexual violence. John Wiley & Sons, 2013.

Martin, Del. Battered wives. Volcano Press, 1981.

Mercer, Jonathan. "Feeling like a state: social emotion and identity." International Theory 6.03 (2014): 515-535.

Moors, Agnes, and Jan De Houwer. "Automaticity: a theoretical and conceptual analysis." Psychological bulletin 132.2 (2006): 297.

Nagel, Thomas. "What is it like to be a bat?." The philosophical review (1974): 435-450.

Nosek, Brian A, and Jeffrey J Hansen. "Personalizing the implicit association test increases explicit evaluation of target concepts." European Journal of Psychological Assessment 24.4 (2008): 226.

Pinker, Steven, and Arthur Morey. The better angels of our nature: Why violence has declined. New York: Viking, 2011.

Ramachandran, Vilayanur S, and William Hirstein. "Three laws of qualia: What neurology tells us about the biological functions of consciousness." Journal of Consciousness Studies 4.5-6 (1997): 429-457.

Ramachandran, Vilayanur S. The tell-tale brain: unlocking the mystery of human nature. Random House, 2011.

Scheler, Max Ferdinand. The nature of sympathy.... Transaction Publishers, 1970.

Scheler, Max. "The Nature of Sympathy, ed." W. Stark (Hamden: Archon, 1970) (2008): 14-36.

Taylor, Verta. "Emotions and identity in women’s self-help movements." Self, identity, and social movements 13 (2000): 271-299.

Zahavi, Dan. "Self and other: The limits of narrative understanding." Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 60 (2007): 179-202.




Pakistani Refugees in Delhi

The regime in Pakistan is not able to support minorities in Pakistan. It is one of the reason, why forcible conversion of Hindu youth and especially Hindu girls and Christians is common in Pakistan. Pakistani Hindus feel discriminated against the government policy but it is more about the apathy of state towards Hindus that they migrate to India. They get Indian pilgrimage visa on the premise of visiting holy places of Hindu religion[1]. These Hindus do not leave India after the expiry of visa rather they say Indian government to give them refugee state. The citizenship for Pakistani Hindus in India is not possible due to bilateral problems because Pakistan might accuse India of involvement in domestic problems. However, various newspaper articles and my interview with Pakistani immigrants posits the fact that they are not also told to leave India and various Hindu groups come for their assistance. Hindu groups make refugee camp for them and also some of Hindu like Nahar Singh, Superintendent of Central Excise and Customs, make arrangements for their stay till governments do something for them[2].  However, Indian government also do not show any empathy for the victims of religious discrimination in the neighbouring country as Nahar Singh tells that his approach to Foreign Registration office, Ministry of Home Affairs and Delhi High court to get refugee status for them do not bear any fruit[3].

The immigrants from Pakistan, after some time, get involved in the informal industry of Delhi. They start selling fruits, tea and other things in the city. One thing very recognizable is that they always use the name of Pakistan cities or other landmarks in the name of their shop. It can be related to the concept of ‘homeland’. It shows the critique of the concept of modern nation-state drawn based on territoriality and attempt of state machinery to keep it sacrosanct. While talking to one of the Pakistani Hindu, who is living in Delhi for the last two years says that he feels safer in Indian than in Pakistan despite bad conditions of living and bleak opportunity for jobs and other benefits. Their formal affiliation to Pakistan, however, put them into trouble sometimes. The bureaucratic machinery especially police sometimes charge them money to do business in the city. However, they say that it is not different from Pakistan. They also had to pay money to police to work in the Pakistani cities. The female members of these households work in the family as house help. Since, they have very less opportunity to earn money therefore all the adult members of the family has to work. Pakistani immigrants are becoming a source for cheap labour in the city. At some places, they are preferred for the job. In addition, whenever they meet someone who migrated from Pakistan in 1947, they talk about their places in Pakistan. It poses a very paradoxical picture for the new migrants. For the new migrants, Pakistan is a land of lost opportunity, they do not want to go back there, and they are struggling in everyday to make their life better. For them, India is their ‘homeland’. While the migrants of 1947 partition are nostalgic about the memory of Pakistan and they find Pakistan as their ‘homeland’ and India as their nation. Urvashi Butalia narrated same kind of story in the talk at South Asian University, New Delhi. She also found this paradox in the imagination of her mother and her maternal uncle. Her mother came to India during the partition but her Uncle married Muslim girl, converted to Islam, and lived in Lahore, Pakistan. When she went to Pakistan in 1980s, her uncle was regretting his decision to stay back in Pakistan and his sense of homeland was India.

The homeland narrative should be seen in the light of the conditions in which Pakistani Hindus lives in India. They live in very dilapidated conditions, which is called Jhuggi or slum in India in the outskirts of city of Delhi. There is no water supply, electricity and other basic amnesties in their areas. They maintain all this with the support of Hindu groups, some NGOs, and some individuals. They managed to get all this through bureaucratic loopholes. Veena Das and Emma Tarlo in their respective works have shown how the slums attain these basic facilities through bureaucratic loopholes or corruption. The political economy of corruption is paving way to get basic amnesties in jhuggi households. They also feel discriminations at some places because they are encroaching the labour market of Indians. Therefore, sometimes people call them deceptive spy of Inter-Service-Intelligence (ISI), the Pakistani spy agency and disturb their opportunity to get further jobs for some period. In addition, they are paid less as compared to their Indian counterparts. When I talked with them about these discriminations, they answered that their hope lies in this country. Everything will be fine after sometime, as they have talked to other people who migrated to India before them and now living life of an Indian citizen. This hope is working as the opium for them to bear sufferings and think of a better future in the coming days.



[1] http://www.ucanews.com/news/pakistans-hindus-enter-endless-limbo-in-india/70827
[2] http://www.firstpost.com/india/plight-of-pak-hindus-how-they-are-struggling-for-indian-citizenship-691336.html
[3] http://www.firstpost.com/india/plight-of-pak-hindus-how-they-are-struggling-for-indian-citizenship-691336.html

Contention and Conflict in History Writing: Assertion of Social Identities in Historiography of South Asia

The influence of western discourses of rationalist-modernist idea in South Asian history created a kind of history where the representation of some groups acquired all the space. Most of the peripheral groups of South Asian society did not get representation. The idea of colonial, nationalist and postcolonial schools of interpretations of Indian history, however, diversified the interpretations of historical facts. Colonial school of historiography started with the preconceptions about the orient in European society and it created ‘stereotypes’ as the work of Max Muller on the linguistic similarity and the migration of European into Indian subcontinent (Thapar 2000). There are two sub-schools under this: Orientalist School of Historiography and Utilitarian School of Historiography. The nationalist school came at the end of 19th century for anti-colonial movements. This school used the concepts of Aryan theory of invasion[1] and ‘golden era of the Hindu civilisation’. The remoteness of golden history was directly proportional to its use in imaginative reconstructions and inversely proportional to factual proof. They were able to reject the colonial theory of ‘oriental despotism[2]’ but they also agreed with imperialists largely on historical facts.  It also gave rise to religious nationalism based on Hindu and Muslim civilizational classifications. In the post-colonial Historiography, there are two sub-schools: Marxist school and Subaltern School.

The subaltern school of historiography came as a response to mainstream/dominant/elite historiography. It started with the contestation of representation of peasant struggles in South Asian history. The politics of social identity in dominant historiography (colonial and nationalist) talked about peasant and tribal uprisings as sporadic and irrational. Most of these histories were centred upon some personality. Subaltern school contested this “blinkered historiography” and said that historiography of Indian nationalism was dominated by “colonialist elitism and bourgeoisie elitist nationalism” (Guha 2010: 1-3). They proposed the view that elite historiography did not take into account the actions of people taken on their own or independently of elite. The social identity of various groups created in historiography talks about the role played by Indian National Congress and other organisations in Indian national struggle. In addition, Marxist history could not understand the place of ‘religious’ in India’s political and social life (Chakrabarty 1995: 753). The dichotomy of ‘emotion’ and ‘reason’ provided hyper-rationalism in the analysis of Indian historiography. In addition, the colonial historiography also produced an intellectual landscape where missionary and others like Alexander Duff talked about removal of essence of religion from the social to have rational view. However, they never thought that these superstitious Indian never feel embarrassed about the religion and superstition. Therefore, Marxists and colonial historiography were not able to show the struggles of everyday life.

Dipesh Chakrabarty (1995) in his work “Radical Histories and Question of Enlightenment Rationalism: Some Recent Critiques of "Subaltern Studies"” talks about Sumit Sarkar’s work on Swadeshi Movement. Sarkar never thought about the question that whether a religious sensibility could also use as a political structure and vocabulary as a means to an end (religious) (754). From Atmiya Sabha to Dharma Sabha, religion came into the public discourse and in swadeshi movement. However, the role of religion in political was not seen. It was the product of the conception of modernity accepted by the intellectuals in the country. The collection of essays, published by Left Book Club, Modern Age and India (1950) talked about the concept of secularism and modernity. They say that the concept of modernity, apart from the differences produced by national boundaries and histories, is universal in nature (Bhattacharya 1950: 242-243) and it emerged all over the world from modern European history (Chakravarty 1950: 13). They, further, say that the most glorious achievement of the spirit of modern age was its emancipation from dogmas, superstition, which marked the ceaseless pursuit of scientific knowledge in modern times (Sen 1950: 1). Science has tamed the forces of nature and it was obliged to oppose the religion uncompromisingly. This model of modernity did not see the conflicts in the nature of social identities based on religion.

The religious ideals were as underplayed in the Marxist writings; it was used extensively in skewed forms in nationalist histories. Nationalist histories used the religious identities as the central narrative and showed how glorious their past was. The nationalist historians started depicting ancient kings and medieval Hindu rulers of India to produce a history of glorious past. They talked about Muslims but especially those Muslims who had served in the army of Hindu Kings like the story of Muslims in the army of Marathas. The Hindu way of life was glorified. This assertion of social identity in the History provided religious organisations to propagate their ideas in the country. The Arya Samaj Movement, started by Swami Dayanand Saraswati, used the history and propagated the ideas of ‘back to Vedas’. The Arya Samaj provided Indian literate middle class a sense of self-identity.  The Suhddhi movement of the Arya Samaj also led to communalisation of Punjab in 20th century (Jones 1968). The use of social identity in the history paved the way for giving communal and sectarian colour to Indian History. These histories were not representing the facts holistically rather they were glorifying some religious history or the history of some caste. However, these histories were drafted in a way to include all classes and groups of the society.

Further, the exclusion of some of the groups and communities from the history became an established fashion of institutionalising history. The identity of Sinhalese of Sri Lanka was given a new colour by the historians of the country. The mythic origin of Sinhala and subsequent manufacturing of the history established a new social order. The Sinhala identity of its present form came in the age of state formation in Sri Lanka. There are many mythical stories about the inhabitants of Jambudeep/Anuradhapuram/Sri Lanka[3]. At the time of establishment of Sinhalese identity, Sri Lankan society was divided based on caste, class, clan etc. However, the state propagated an ideology of unity i.e. providing sense of unity to the subjects (Gunawardane 1990).

In Sri Lankan history, Sinhalese identity plays a central role in the formation of state ideology and group consciousness. Group consciousness, like all ideologies, is historically determined and historically limited. The use of social identity in the history produces group consciousness. The term Sinhala in Sri Lankan history is parallel to the use of term ‘race’ in European and American history. However, they say that Sinhalese are the original rulers of Sri Lanka. But, the term ‘race’ came in around 16th century AD. The racial history divides Sri Lankan society in two parts; first Sinhala and the Second is Tamil. Tamils are treated as migrants. However, the mention of Sinhala first appeared in Dipavamsa, which is of 4th-5th century AD. Other historical works like Samantapsadika, Pranvitana and Mahavamsa have mention of Sinhala. These texts use this term for the land, language but not for people of different origins.

The works of Sri Lankan historians in late 18th century tried to bring all social groups under Sinha group ideology. The social groups brought together by the Sinhala consciousness does not appear to have coincided with the linguistic grouping in the island or to have represented a single physical type. After 7th century AD, the history got religious connotations (Gunawardana 1990: 62). Gunawardane is seeing the successive changes in the social identity of Sinhala and the seeds of politics of conflict in Sri Lanka. He is trying to relate past with the present which Jean Paul-Nancy calls “historicism”. Historicism “is in general the way of thinking that presupposes that history has already began, and therefore it always merely continues”. Historicism presupposes history, instead of taking it as what shall be thought. Davis Scott (1999) also takes this idea further to see that history is not seen as what is self-evident rather what shall be thought. This idea of history motivated South Asian history to write Subaltern history.

If the history is not seen in a discursive framework where critical analysis has no space then it is used as a weapon to mobilise groups and communities against other groups. The conception of ‘other’ also comes in the history, if the idea of history writing is used for the manipulation of facts. The nationalist history of India crated a discourse where identity of Muslim became ‘the other’ in nationalist discourse. The coming of “two-nation theory” was the product of nationalist discourse of historians and the Aligarh Movement[4] started by Sir Saiyad Ahmad Khan. Further, the creation of nation-state based on religion perpetuated the use of social identity in the history. The partition of Indian sub-continent was based on “two nation theory” and provinces of Muslim majority areas were carved out to create a new nation-state Pakistan. In the textbooks of Pakistan, this conception if justified as they see it the basis for the formation of Pakistan.

The focus on identity in the history textbooks of Pakistan diminished the difference between creative imagination and history (Jalal 1995: 16). All kinds of history are seen as mere interpretations and one no more valid than other.  If all kinds of creative imaginations are seen as equal then “there is nothing to prevent the politics of identity from engendering hatred towards internal and external ‘others’” (ibid 1996: 16). This is true for most of the South Asian countries. The creation of the category of ‘other’ in the history is prevalent in most of the South Asian countries’ history textbooks. In India, the formulation of the concept of ‘dark age’ for Muslim rule and making all rulers except Hindu rulers as an invader became the root cause for the conflicts between communities at the time of struggle for Indian independence. Sri Lanka has undergone civil war in recent decades between Tamils and Sinhalese and it was perpetuated through the historical creation of categories. In Nepal, the conflict for federal constitution for Tarai and Parvat regions is the product of discrimination in historiography of the nation and subsequent effect of it in the psyche of people.  

Social identity in historiography, in these explanations, tries to create different types of interpretations. However, the other groups also create their own history glorifying their social identity. It gives rise to communalism in the country. In the case of India, there is no difference between majority (Hindu) communalism and minority (Muslim, Sikh, Christian) communalism.  They are merely variants of the same communal ideology and are equally dangerous (Chandra 2008: 608). However, while minority communalism can end up in separatism (Partition of India, Khalistan movement etc.), majority communalism can take the form of fascism. In democratic framework, it is very easy for majority community to use the state powers to spread different historical frameworks through state textbooks. The social identity of various groups is appropriated by the state and is presented in a way that lead to the development of conflicts among the populace.

In the aftermath of Godhara riots[5], the textbooks of Gujrat government, the history book dealing with 20th century had no mention of Gandhi’s assassination. When there was a national furore about it, they brought a new reprint of history book with the addition of a bare sentence:
Gandhi’s efforts to bring peace and harmony in society came to a sudden tragic end due to his assassination by Nathuram Godse on January 30, 1948 in Delhi while Gandhiji was on his way to attend a prayer meeting(Om 2004: 57).
There was no mention of the role of RSS[6], and the Hindu Mahasabha and the link of Godse with these organisations and particularly with Savarkar. Class IX book showed that the minorities are foreigners (Chandra 2008: 619). The story of fascism and Nazism were brought in the book but there was no mention of the evil effects of these ideologies. The fabrication of history gives space to these forces to perpetuate their ideologies. 

Rammanohar Lohia in his work “History writing” talks about the way in which historians presented India (464). The history of past one thousand years of India was presented in such a manner that “most Indians do not today know the difference between shame and glory (Lohia 2011: 464). The ‘surrender’ in the war and the victory in the war are no different for Indian history.  It is said that we conquered our conquerors by nativising them. The Mughal historians has run down the immediate contender, who was the Afghan, and the British historian has bathed Rajput and Afghan in glory, while running down the immediate Mughal contender. In South Asian history, there have been attempts of denying the existence of facts and glorifying social identities. The conception of history was divided, by Hannah Arendt (1961), in two categories—‘action’ and ‘fabrication’. Fabrication, which has definite beginning and definite end, presents a coherent discourse. There is a nostalgia among historians to use fabrication for writing history.

However, there have been attempts by intellectuals in the field to counter false representation, over representation and under representation of social identity in the History. The Dalits were seen as mute spectators of the exploitation and discriminations in the history of early and mid-20th century. Dalit writers made attempts to start a new field of Dalit discourse in the country. Now, there are plenty of Dalit literatures and scholars like Kancha Illaiyah, Gopal Guru, Omprakash Valmiki and so on are presenting the pain, suffering and epistemic violence through exclusion of Dalits in the society. Ompraksh Valmiki’s work Joothan presents the experience of Dalit in India and it tries to represent the voices of Dalit and their political movement for emancipation. As discussed earlier, Subaltern School presents a critique of enlightenment and says that in the attempt of producing rational accounts, various categories of our society like religion; caste and caste based discrimination etc. were neglected in history writing.

Therefore, the contention and conflicts in the representation of social identity in history writing have been a recurring theme in South Asian historiography. Colonial history was more based on the texts of India and they represented an ideal type of Indian society. The prejudice and stereotype was the product of this kind of history. Nationalist histories divided society based on glorious past ruled by Hindu Kings and the degradation in Indian culture after coming of Muslim rulers. They presented ‘two nation’ in one country which further lead to the communalisation of India’s struggle for independence and subsequent partition of Indian subcontinent. Marxist historiography did not pay attention to many of the experiences of Indian people, which provides them social identity like religion. They neglected the identity provided by religion, which has potential to convert them into ‘political’ as Dipesh Chakrabarty has shown in the case of Swadeshi Movement. The legitimacy of state also lies in the idea of social identity like why Indian Bengalis and Bangladeshi Bengali are different. If history represents as equals then the legitimacy of modern nation-state will be in danger. The idea of nation-state is based on the idea of difference. As, Pakistan does everything to show that they are different from India. Therefore, the identities are asserted in historiography because it will provide them group consciousness.



[1] According to this account, India was invaded and conquered by nomadic light-skinned Indo-European tribes from Central Asia around 1500-100 BC, who overthrew an earlier and more advanced dark-skinned Dravidian civilization from which they took most of what later became Hindu culture. This so-called pre-Aryan civilization is said to be evidenced by the large urban ruins of what has been called the "Indus valley culture" (as most of its initial sites were on the Indus River).
[2] Colonial discourse propagated the idea that colonized are not civilised to rule. Therefore, it is not in the interest of colonizers that they rule over India rather it is the colonizers duty to make colonized able to rule.
[3] These are the various name of Sri Lanka in the Pali texts.
[4] After the revolt of 1857, Sir Saiyad Ahmad Khan started Aligarh movement to create better relationship between Muslims and British. The establishment of Aligarh Muslim University was also part of this movement.
[5] In 2002, the Indian state Gujrat witnessed a communal riot between Hindu and Muslims. It started after the burning of 70 people in a train at Godhara.
[6] RSS or Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh is a Hindu nationalist organisation in India.